The Unyielding Allure of China in Pakistan

A recent Pew Research Center survey reveals stark contrasts between Pakistani perceptions of the United States and China. Only 36% of Pakistanis consider the US a reliable partner, while an astonishing 84% have faith in China. This disparity raises more questions than answers about the efficacy of Donald Trump’s so-called “Pakistan reset.” Did his administration misread the situation entirely, or was Islamabad never truly up for grabs?

The relationship between the US and Pakistan has long been transactional, based on mutual self-interest rather than genuine affection. Even as Trump lavished praise on Field Marshal Asim Munir, who frequently visits the White House, these visits have yielded few tangible benefits for Washington. The crypto deal with World Liberty Financial, majority-owned by Trump’s family, remains stalled six months after signing. This arrangement appears to be a quid pro quo: access to Pakistan’s market in exchange for rarefied access to the Trump inner circle.

Meanwhile, China has been building a formidable presence in Pakistan that extends beyond economic interests. The $60 billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) has transformed Islamabad’s infrastructure landscape, but it’s the military integration that’s truly remarkable. Beijing is supplying submarines and fighter jets to Pakistan on an unprecedented scale, bolstering the country’s defenses without lecturing Islamabad about democracy or human rights.

The Pakistani public’s fondness for China stems from more than just economic pragmatism; it’s also rooted in a deep-seated resentment towards American meddling in their affairs. Memories of drone strikes and occupation linger, coloring perceptions of Washington’s involvement. The Chinese presence is often framed as partnership rather than intervention.

However, beneath the surface, China’s patience with Pakistan has been waning. At least 20 Chinese nationals have lost their lives in Pakistani terrorist attacks over the past five years, including a devastating blast near Karachi’s Jinnah International Airport last year. This violence has put a strain on Beijing’s relations with Islamabad, even as it continues to invest heavily in the country.

Pakistan is not a prize to be won or lost by any single administration; its strategic importance lies in its geographic location and complex internal dynamics. Washington would do well to remember that Islamabad’s military and civilians often operate with competing agendas, making it impossible for outsiders to neatly categorize the country as either pro-US or anti-US.

The Pew survey serves as a stark reminder of this complexity. Pakistan’s affinity for China is not simply about economics or politics; it speaks to deeper cultural and historical ties. As Washington ponders its Asia strategy, one thing becomes clear: Trump’s “Pakistan reset” has been a misstep from the start.

Given the current trajectory, it’s hard not to predict a continued slide towards irrelevance for Washington in Islamabad. The Pakistani public’s trust in China will only deepen as Beijing continues to invest and expand its presence on the ground. Meanwhile, Trump’s legacy in Pakistan will likely be one of missed opportunities and miscalculations.

The US would do well to reassess its priorities in South Asia, focusing on building genuine relationships with countries like India and Japan – ones grounded in shared values and mutual interests rather than short-term gains. Only then can Washington hope to recover from the damage inflicted by Trump’s ill-fated “reset” and chart a more sustainable course for itself in Pakistan and beyond.